The zone used for this sub-study is defined by four trapping lots according to the Abitibi-East Beaver Reserve. This zone covers approximately 1 500 km², as illustrated in Map 6 and falls within the territories of the Awashish, Chilton and Saganash families (Map 3 , page 91). This area was chosen primarily because it is proposed as the principal supply zone for the Scierie Tackipotcikan . A detailed knowledge of current Atikamekw use of the area should assist planning of future forestry operations. The area is also close to the village of Wemotaci and is used more frequently than areas further away, leading to a higher number of potential informants and a wider variety of activities and comments^[107].

Data collection and analysis for this sub-study was carried out in two separate phases. Firstly, members of the Wemotaci community were interviewed concerning their occupation and use of the study zone. Secondly, the results of these interviews were discussed with a reference group of Atikamekw with extensive experience in occupation and management of Nitaskinan.

Map 6 Study zone for contemporary Atikamekw occupation of Nitaskinan

Map data : Conseil de la Nation Atikamekw, Gouvernement du Québec, Government of Canada

Data collection and analysis were validated in several ways.

Secondly, coding and interpretations were verified firstly by the co-researcher and then by the reference group. They clarified information and interpretations and proposed several key concepts that enabled linking of different categories; notably the three themes used in section 5.3 and the figures. Explanations and links proposed by the reference group were verified back against the records of interviews to determine if the statements and context supported these interpretations.

Thirdly, results and conclusions relating to Atikamekw occupation of Nitaskinan are also compared against other research, notably that undertaken in the 1980s (Dandenault 1983) and the work of Poirier (1992; 2001), as indicated through citations.

Finally, the elements of Atikamekw and forest industry paradigms that are identified in this chapter are to be considered in relation to the other sub-studies presented in this thesis.

The Atikamekw term kapeciwin indicates living in a camp or on forestlands ( notcimik )^[111]. Participants in 16 interviews (out of 19) practice kapeciwin in the study zone, varying from overnight stays to permanent habitation^[112]. Some participants have permanent camps, others establish temporary camps, which they move from season to season or from one year to another, and some have both.

The importance of kapeciwin is related to maintaining a lifestyle and an occupation of Nitaskinan . Participants stated that living in camp gives them the opportunity to practice other activities such as hunting, fishing, telling stories and teaching their children. It enables them to rest and to recover their strength, particularly after stress of living in the village. Finally, participants specifically stated that kapeciwin was a way of maintaining their traditions and the Atikamekw way of life (section 5.4.2).

Tipahiskan is the Atikamekw word used to signify management of forestlands^[113]. Participants in the sub-study did not identity tipahiskan as an activity. Instead, this term is used as a way of grouping activities related to collecting and maintaining knowledge about Nitaskinan .

Principal within this group is nametawin , which was identified in eight interviews. Nametawin signifies moving about on a territory and leaving marks to indicate that the territory is occupied. Traditionally, the Atikamekw left marks on trees to indicate a trapping circuit. Now, nametawin includes other manifestations, such as leaving a canoe rack at a lake. Related to this is the Atikamekw term pamatisinaniwon notcimik, which was also identified in eight interviews. This means travelling through the forest, observing what is happening and being able to catch or take something that you need (such as shooting an animal or collecting birch bark for craftwork). Together, these two terms indicate that the Atikamekw maintain a knowledge of Nitaskinan by being able to travel around and by leaving indications of their presence and occupation of the area. These two practices were identified in twelve of the interviews, demonstrating that participants in the sub-study continue to occupy and maintain their knowledge of forestlands.

The second group of practices comprising tipahiskan relates to teaching and learning about notcimik, identified in twelve interviews. Participants described the importance of learning the skills and knowledge needed to live in notcimik , both for themselves, for youth and for children. They also related teaching and learning to the practice of activities, and specifically to kapeciwin, which provides the opportunity to undertake these activities. Tipahiskan represents an Atikamekw approach to management of forestlands, which is examined in detail in section 5.4.7.

Atoskewin relates to practices for using the resources of Nitaskinan and natohowin signifies activities to obtain food and for other products. Together, atoskewin and natohowin encompass practices for the use of the resources of forestlands to meet the needs of the Atikamekw. These resources include animals, fish, plants and water. The Atikamekw terms for these activities also imply the knowledge and skills necessary to undertake the activity. All participants in the sub-study identified various practices within this group, indicating ways that they use notcimik to meet their needs for food, clothing, medicines, and income. Frequently, they related the practice of atoskewin or natohowin to maintaining the Atikamekw lifestyle, to teaching others about notcimik and to kapeciwin and tipahiskan . The practices most commonly identified in interviews were the following:

Small game hunting ^[114] was identified in sixteen interviews, with the principal animals being wild rabbits, partridge, ducks and geese. Small game hunting was often described as a family activity, around the camp, along the forestry roads and near the village. It was particularly related to kapeciwin , to teaching children about notcimik and to maintaining the lifestyle.

Wepahapewin Fishing was the second most frequently identified activity (fifteen interviews), practiced with family and friends. Wepahapewin is not limited to family territories, and several participants referred to a “fishing circuit” – a number of lakes and rivers close to Wemotaci that are used by everybody.

Mos atoskaniwon Moose hunting is an activity of great importance for the Atikamekw and was identified in thirteen interviews. Hunting groups will usually contain several people, and others will be called upon to help carry the meat and skins after the moose has been killed. The meat and other products are shared around the family and the community, and contribute to maintaining social links. However, the number of moose killed is low^[115]; several participants saying that they went moose hunting only once per year. Furthermore, three male participants explained that they had never fired a rifle at a moose, even though they used notcimik in other ways.

Onihikewin Fur trapping was identified in twelve interviews, by men only. Most participants specified that they still follow traditional trapping practices; trapping for a week followed by a week at home, or completing the circuit of their traps every three days. However, they also benefit from roads that improve access to their trapping circuits, enabling them to return each night to their principal camp or to the village. Trapping offers supplementary income to some participants, but is insufficient to provide a “full-time” salary^[116].

Mowisowin Blueberry picking is a summer-time activity for the whole family and was identified in twelve interviews. Blueberries are picked for use at home (including a traditional blueberry preserve), for sale as supplemental income, and also for sharing with the elderly who cannot go and pick their own.

Nanto mackikiwaniwon Collection of medicinal plants was described in ten interviews, although only one participant described herself as a “healer”. All these participants use traditional medicines as a complement to the government provided medical services (rather than relying solely on traditional treatment).

These practices show the diversity of ways in which the Atikamekw use notcimik to provide their needs and to maintain a lifestyle^[117]. The Atikamekw use of notcimik is not restricted solely to hunting and trapping, or just to men, or to activities for personal consumption. Instead, men, women and children undertake a range of practices throughout the year. Most participants specified that they undertake these activities to maintain Atikamekw traditions and to pass on their knowledge to others.

The three groups of practices identified above are, in fact, closely linked each to the other. The method used in this sub-study focused on identifying activities undertaken by the Atikamekw in the study zone. However, it became clear during the study that the participants do not separate one activity from another. When they go to notcimik , it is for a variety of reasons and they undertake a number of activities^[118]. It appears that participants often assumed that these links are self-evident and that they did not therefore need to describe all their activities. For example, informant A08 is an experienced hunter and trapper, who did not speak of nametawin or tipahiskan . However, it is highly unlikely that he could successfully hunt and trap if he did not investigate the area first to learn where the animals are.

By examining the way in which activities were described in interviews, and with the assistance of the reference group, I identified different ways in which practices are related to each other. The existence of links between practices means that the occupation of Nitaskinan by the Atikamekw cannot be reduced to only one or two activities. Instead, each activity is linked to others, and each practice relies on having necessary knowledge and understanding customs and rules. If Atikamekw are not able to practice a particular activity (such as kapeciwin on notcimik ), then a series of other activities will also be affected.

Activities that logically follow (or precede) others.

The practice of an activity is often dependant upon a preceding activity, or will obviously lead to another activities. As noted above, the informant A08 must know the area before going hunting or trapping, but he did not speak of nametawin or tipahiskan . By way of example, illustrates a series of activities related to hunting moose^[120]. A moose hunt does not involve solely the action of searching for and killing the animal, but also sharing the meat, using the skin, retelling stories about the hunt and notcimik , and planning future hunts. The hunt may have been planned in nipin, the animal shot in takwakin , and the skin prepared during pipon and sikon. This series of activities suggests that a shortage of moose in the forest will affect a large number of other practices, including the maintenance of social links and the teaching of children.

Figure 2 Annual cycle for atoskewin and natohowin

Figure 3 Activities related to moose hunting

Participants in the sub-study gave many reasons why they undertook particular activities and practices on notcimik . As so many activities are linked to each other, it is unsurprising that the reasons given are also closely related. Based on the statements and the information provided in interviews, this diversity of reasons is grouped according to three principal themes.

Practices undertaken by women and youth warrant particular description in order to avoid a perception that occupation of Nitaskinan is principally a matter for men.

Eight women participated in the sub-study (compared to 23 men), three of the interviews being solely or predominantly with women. The practices most commonly identified by the women included kapeciwin , rabbit hunting or trapping, fishing and the collection and preparation of medicines. They also spoke of the importance of teaching children, of telling stories about notcimik and about Atikamekw history, and of the importance of this in passing on knowledge and values. The women rarely spoke of cooking or making clothes – activities that are sometimes perceived as being feminine responsibilities. Whilst their activities include kapeciwin , they also include atoskewin , natohowin and tipahsikan . It also appears that women have a particularly important role in teaching and in passing on knowledge and values. This information is essential for the practice of all activities and for maintaining the Atikamekw culture (sections 5.4.5 and 5.4.6).

Young people are sometimes perceived as having less interest in following traditional ways or in occupying forestlands. However, seven young people^[121], regular users of the study zone, participated in the sub-study. All spoke of a ka nikanitc , or another elder, who was teaching them about notcimik and how to practice different activities. These youth are interested in maintaining a lifestyle which includes occupation of Nitaskinan. Several participants, both young and old, mentioned both a lack of interest by many youth for living on notcimik , and the lack of support for them in such practices. Nevertheless, participants also spoke of the importance of maintaining this lifestyle and of teaching children and youth. It appears clear that, although some young Atikamekw may not be interested in living in the forest, there are certainly others who wish to maintain an occupation of Nitaskinan and the Atikamekw culture.

All participants in the sub-study made comments about the effects of forestry operations on their use of the study zone and their occupation of Nitaskinan . While some participants are opposed to forestry operations and others are supportive, most took a moderate position. They accept the presence of the forest industry in Nitaskinan , but see problems with the techniques used. They wish to see the industry change its methods, rather than to eject it from the Haute-Mauricie.

The negative effects described by participants are particularly important for the practice of atoskewin and natohowin . If logging operations cause animals to move to other undisturbed areas, or reduce numbers of particular animals, then hunting becomes more difficult. Knowledge about notcmik becomes incorrect or outdated as people are less likely to spend time in their family territories. Many other practices are affected, including kapeciwin , nametawin and tipahiskan , along with activities that are related to hunting (as illustrated in Figure 3). Some participants noted that trees will grow and that animals will return after logging, but informant A56 noted ironically “ yes, they (the animals) will return, but we will die of hunger before then ^[122].

A second important criticism of forestry operations was the lack of consultation by forestry companies concerning their operations, identified in six interviews. Forestry planning rarely involves Atikamekw users of an area or the ka nikantic (see Chapter 6). Unsurprisingly, participants said that companies should not only consult with the Atikamekw, but should take account of their information and concerns. Several participants added that the Atikamekw should be directly involved in the evaluation of areas before logging.

Concerns about forestry practices are particularly important considering the establishment of the Scierie Tackipotcikan, with participants in ten interviews making comments. Again, most participants have a qualified opinion, noting some concerns but recognising that the sawmill will provide employment. Several are concerned that there will not be sufficient wood to supply the sawmill, and that the employment created will therefore be temporary^[123]. Others stress the need for careful planning of forestry operations and that the Scierie Tackipotcikan should not operate in the same way as other sawmills.

Finally, there appears to be a lack of information in the community concerning plans for the Scierie Tackipotcikan . In particular, two of the ka nikanitc participating in this study knew little about the sawmill or about proposed forestry operations, despite the fact that they are traditionally responsible for the areas where the sawmill will operate. As described in sections 5.3.2 and 5.4.7, tipahiskan is based on information about notcimik and on the role of the ka nikantic . Hence it appears that the Scierie Tackipotcikan is adopting management approaches common in the industry, rather than following traditional Atikamekw practices.

During interviews, participants referred to forestlands in a variety of ways, with terms having different meanings. Table 3 provides explanations of these terms, as explained by Yvon Chilton (co-researcher) and Marthe Coocoo (linguist)^[124].

Responsibility for a particular area lies with ka nikanitc . People who wish to use that area are obliged to discuss their plans with ka nikanitc , who will advise them or offer suggestions. Ka nikanitc does not approve or disapprove an activity, but his counsel is usually followed through respect for his experience and knowledge^[125].

As described in Chapter 3, the Atikamekw traditionally developed a series of trapping circuits within natoho aski, a route which typically took several days to complete. Participants in this sub-study who continue to trap still use such circuits, two adding that a circuit should only be used once every four years in order to avoid over-trapping.

The Atikamekw system of territorial organisation should not be confused with the trapping lots as defined in the Beaver Reserve, which was established by the provincial government in 1951. Although lots were generally based on family territories (as interpreted by government officers at the time), they are not equivalent. Participants in this study usually referred to natoho aski and natoho meskano , rather than to the numbered trapping lots. Each of the four people nominally responsible for the lots used in this sub-study considers that the mapping of these lots does not correspond to the area for which they consider themselves responsible.

This information shows that the Atikamekw continue to use their own system of territorial organisation and that this system coexists with the forestry licences and tenure systems established by the government.

As noted above, notcimik means “the place that I come from”. It is also a place to which the Atikamekw return. All participants in this sub-study have camps that they use regularly, and many also use camps in other areas. These camps, and kapeciwin itself, enable the Atikamekw to maintain a relationship with the place that they come from. Five participants specifically described their need or wish to go to notcimik to refresh themselves, to re-gather strength, or to remind themselves of notcimik . Others spoke of tranquility, rest and the absence of stress associated with kapeciwin or being in notcimik . According to participant A108; “ Occupation of the territory means a place to go to reinvigorate yourself. To occupy the territory, it is not necessary to hunt or to fish. Rather it is to be in the forest, to go there to see what is happening.” ^[126]

Notcimik , and Nitaskinan , are related to the Atikamekw sense of personal identity. It appears that many of the participants in this study consider notcimik as their home, equal to or more important than the village of Wemotaci. Although they spend much of their time in the village, they also believe it is important to return to notcimik. Their occupation of Nitaskinan contributes to maintaining their identity as Atikamekw. Hence the impact of forestry operations does not just affect the animals or the plants, it also affects the way that the Atikamekw can maintain and recover themselves.

Access to Nitaskinan is essential for maintaining Atikamekw practices and occupation. Atoskewin, natohowin, tipahiskan, nametawin and pamatisinaniwon notcimik all require being able to travel and move around notcimik . Circuits , natoho meskano, are clearly dependant on being able to move around, either on foot, in canoe, or by vehicles. The importance of access and of journeying is probably based in Atikamekw experience as nomads.

Information from participants shows the role of practices and occupation of Nitaskinan in maintaining social structures and relations between various Atikamekw families. Not surprisingly, most participants in the sub-study came from one of the three families whose natoho aski form part of the study area, or they were related to these families by marriage. However, these participants also use other natoho aski from time to time; the territories of their friends and family. The participants who are not members of the three families also practice activities on their own natoho aski , and allow others to use these territories. Typically non-family members would be invited to use an area, or would ask the ka nikanitc in advance, and would share the results of their hunting with the family afterwards.

The Atikamekw language is in everyday use at Wemotaci^[127], seven of our nineteen interviews were held in Atikamekw and all other interviews included Atikamekw terms. In this chapter, Atikamekw terms for practices are used in preference to French or English words in order to avoid loosing meanings or significance of these practices for the Atikamekw. The comparative glossary in Annexe A examines the differences between a number of Atikamekw and English/French terms related to practices and activities on forestlands.

The use of the Atikamekw language in interviews, and throughout the community of Wemotaci, illustrates its importance for the Atikamekw. Numerous practices of atoskewin , natohowin, tipahiskan and kapeciwin cannot be accurately described without use of the language. Atikamekw terms for these practices also imply possession of the necessary knowledge and adherence to appropriate conduct. Place-names refer to events or to descriptions that cannot be understood without knowledge of the language. Teaching about practices, about history and about nehirowisi pimatisiwin requires the use of the language.

Hence it appears that there is a reciprocal relationship between Atikamekw language and knowledge on one hand and practices and occupation of Nitaskinan on the other. Use and occupation of Nitaskinan supports the use of the language and the application of Atikamekw knowledge. Teaching and story telling maintain the language, the values and the knowledge which are necessary to live on notcimik . According to informant A53, “ Atikamekw is a territorial language.” The language is based in the Atikamekw occupation of Nitaskinan . The corollary of this statement is clear: if the Atikamekw are not able to continue to occupy Nitaskinan , then there is a risk of loosing the language and the knowledge and values expressed through this language.

The importance of maintaining Atikamekw traditions and practices was frequently identified in interviews. However, none of the participants follow a “traditional” lifestyle, living on notcimik and supporting themselves solely through atoskewin and natohowin . All participants practice these activities, but most also have paid jobs obliging them to work particular hours and days. All have camps in the study zone, or elsewhere, but also use houses in the village. Instead of following a “traditional” lifestyle, they organize themselves and their time to balance both traditional and contemporary activities.

The range of characteristics described in this section are integrated through tipahiskan , the Atikamekw approach to management. This approach is still practised, even though it is not recognized in the official systems of forest management in the Haute-Mauricie .

Tipahiskan is a particular responsibility of ka nikanitc , who is chosen for his knowledge and experience concerning notcimik , and for his ability to guide others in its use. He fulfills this role through advice and suggestions based on his knowledge of notcimik and of the actions of other users, rather than through the enforcement of rules and regulations. Observations and information provided by these users enables ka nikantic to update his knowledge of changes and of new developments (Chapter 6 describes the Atikamekw approach to consultation about forestland management). Users of notcimik will usually consult with ka nikantic out of respect for him and his knowledge.

Tipahiskan has a different significance to English and French terms for forest management, which imply formal plans and rules. The formal systems that apply in the Haute-Mauricie rarely include contact with ka nikanitc and offer only limited opportunities for the application of Atikamekw knowledge and values (see Chapter 4 and Chapter 6). These systems also constrain the circulation of the Atikamekw around Nitaskinan , a circulation that is essential for maintaining knowledge and for tipahiskan . However, the comments of participants in this sub-study and their general willingness to accept forestry as a way of using Nitaskinan, suggest that it may be possible to enlarge tipahiskan to include forestry or to amend forestry practices to acknowledge tipahiskan (see Chapter 8).

This chapter documents the extent of Atikamekw utilisation of the study zone, and more generally their occupation of Nitaskinan . However, this utilisation and occupation is greatly affected by the actions of the forest industry. The industry and the Atikamekw are currently obliged to coexist in the Haute-Mauricie . The information provided by participants in the study, and the characteristics of Atikamekw occupation of Nitaskinan developed in this section, raise a series of issues concerning the coexistence of Atikamekw and forest industry practices: