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Table des matières
On the 14th of December 2000, at Wemotaci in central Québec, an agreement to establish the Tackipotcikan sawmill was signed by the Conseil des Atikamekw de Wemotaci , Gérard Crête et fils inc. and Smurfit-Stone inc. The Atikamekw are an indigenous nation living in the Haute-Mauricie region of central Québec in Canada. Smurfit-Stone and Gérard Crête et fils are two forestry companies that have been operating for many years on the traditional lands of the Atikamekw people. The partnership to build a sawmill followed a number of years of negotiation between the forestry companies and the Atikamekw. Three years on from the signing of the agreement, the sawmill has not yet been built.
But the construction of the Tackipotcikan sawmill does not stand alone. It is a part of thousands of years of indigenous occupation of central Québec. It is also a part of 250 years of European (and Euro-Canadian) influence in the region. The sawmill continues in a tradition of one hundred and fifty years of forest harvesting and of Atikamekw participation in this industry. The sawmill also represents Atikamekw hopes and expectations for the future and the wishes of the forestry companies for sustainable production of timber from the forests.
The sawmill is also part of a wider Canadian, and indeed international, context. Indigenous peoples everywhere are increasingly demanding greater participation in the management of forest resources. Forests have great importance for indigenous peoples and for local populations. They supply not only direct material needs such as food, shelter and clothing, but also provide opportunities for employment, for income generation and for economic development. Forests are frequently important for cultural, spiritual and social reasons. Local populations, both indigenous and non-indigenous, have developed systems of knowledge, understanding and management around their use of forest resources. The Tackipotcikan sawmill is a new use of the forest for the Atikamekw, but is one that increases their participation in forest management.
This growing participation in forest management is occurring against a backdrop of the assertion by the Atikamekw, other First Nations and indigenous peoples elsewhere of their cultural identities, their traditions and their rights. These are being asserted in many ways – in international agreements, in courts and political processes, in the media, through protest movements and in other public and private fora. Indigenous peoples are calling for recognition and action in sectors such as health, education, economic development, justice and, of course, in forestry and land management.
Demands for participation in forest management are not restricted to indigenous peoples. Throughout Québec, Canada and elsewhere in the world local populations, environmental groups, forest workers and other parts of society are also seeking the opportunity and the right to be part of the determination of forest management. The interests of various groups are often divergent and conflicts around forest management have become common in many parts of the world. Hence, the Tackipotcikan sawmill can also be seen as an example of a local community seeking to determine directions for the management of the surrounding forest and for their own economic development.
In a situation full of changing demands, governments, government agencies and forestry companies, the traditional managers of forest resources, are trying to develop new ways of managing these resources. International negotiations and agreements call on independent nations to involve indigenous peoples in forest management. National forest policies identify goals and strategies to meet these demands. New rules, new guidelines and new procedures are being proposed. Governments negotiate management agreements with indigenous peoples. Forestry companies, operating in the private sector, establish partnerships with local communities.
This, then, is the wider context in which the Tackipotcikan sawmill needs to be considered; and the wider context of the relations between the Atikamekw people and the forestry industry.
This study will examine relations between the Atikamekw and the forestry companies in the Haute-Mauricie , and their partnership to establish the Tackipotcikan sawmill. The study is situated in the context of First Nations’ participation in forestry in Canada, and of indigenous peoples participation in resource management. I will use Atikamekw involvement in the forest industry as a case study to identify issues relating to participation and to the establishment of partnerships between First Nations and the private sector. In particular, I will investigate how the knowledge and values of the parties, together with their ways of understanding and using the forest, represent differing forestry paradigms. These paradigms form the basis of different approaches to managing the forest. They may also contribute to differing, or even conflicting, objectives and directions for the Tackipotcikan sawmill and for the partners.
Through this study, I hope to be able to identify possible connections between the Atikamekw and the industrial forestry paradigms. The recognition of the existence of different paradigms does not imply that one party should adopt the paradigm of the other. Such a course would almost certainly signify the loss of the Atikamekw understanding of the forest. Nor does it imply that the two paradigms should be combined to form a single hybrid. Instead, the partners in the Tackipotcikan sawmill are trying to find ways that their differing paradigms can coexist. This thesis aims to facilitate their task, and to contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of indigenous peoples in forestry elsewhere in the world.
Part A establishes the current context (both broad and narrow) of the Tackipotcikan sawmill and of relations between the Atikamekw and the forest industry. It also describes the methodology used for the research.
Chapter 1 reviews the experience of First Nations’ participation in forestry across Canada and identifies a number of issues that need to be examined in this study.
Chapter 2 describes the methodology used for the research.
Chapter 3 presents the history of both the Atikamekw people, of the forest industry in Québec and the companies Gérard Crête et fils and Smurfit-Stone.
Part B presents four complementary sub-studies aimed at determining characteristics of forestry paradigms held by the Atikamekw and by the forest industry. Each chapter finishes with a chart summarizing the principal contributions of the chapter.
Chapter 4 presents an analysis of four recent initiatives for Atikamekw participation in forestry and in forestland management:
Chapter 5 describes current Atikamekw occupation and utilisation of the areas that will be harvested to supply the Tackipotcikan sawmill. This is based on detailed meetings with nearly forty users of the area.
Chapter 6 analyses twenty-two different processes for forestry consultations between the Atikamekw and the forest industry.
Chapter 7 presents different aspects of industry and Atikamekw points of view based on interviews with nineteen individuals and on documents.
Part C concludes the thesis.
Chapter 8 proposes a framework for analysing forestry paradigms, presents descriptions of the forestry paradigms based on the sub-studies presented in Part B, and considers various ways to support the coexistence of these paradigms
Conclusion presents a general conclusion of this study, reviewing its contribution to the development of theory and identifying directions for future action.
This organisation is presented graphically in Figure 1.
Figure 1 Schematic outline of the Thesis
Use of language and terminology
This thesis is written in English. However, among the Atikamekw themselves, the Atikamekw language is most commonly used. Similarly, among the forestry companies involved in this study and for communication between the Atikamekw and the companies, the French language is used. Most interviews, discussions and documents used as data for this study were in French, with Atikamekw occasionally being used with members of the community of Wemotaci, particularly the elders. As researcher, I speak and write in French and English, and used an interpreter when working in Atikamekw.
Although the thesis is written in English, I will frequently use French and Atikamekw terms, which will be indicated in italics. There are two main groups of terms where these languages are used.
Names of organisations, whether formal or informal, will be provided in the language commonly used by the organisation. Examples include the Conseil des Atikamekw de Wemotaci (Council of the Atikamekw of Wemotaci) and the Projet d’harmonisation (the Project for the development of measures for the harmonisation of Atikamekw practices and the forestry industry). The forestry companies Gérard Crête et fils inc. and Smurfit-Stone inc. will be referred to as Crête and Smurfit-Stone. The name of the Wemotaci sawmill, Scierie Tackipotcikan , comprises the terms for “sawmill” in both French and Atikamekw.
Many concepts or practices relating to Atikamekw occupation and use of the forest will be described using Atikamekw words. Such concepts cannot be accurately translated from Atikamekw to either French or English. These languages lack the terms that fully describe Atikamekw perceptions of the forest and of their practices. The importance of the Atikamekw language is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 5. In the Atikamekw language, the word “ Atikamekw ” can be used as both adjective and noun and the plural form does not take an “ s ”.
A glossary of Atikamekw and French language terms, the names of organisations and other abbreviations is provided in Annexe A.
When referring to either the Atikamekw or the Québécois (residents of Québec province) I use the terms as written in their language.
Finally, the terms “forest” and “forestry” are at the centre of this study. However, these terms have particular definitions and connotations for the forest industry. The use of a phrase such as “Atikamekw use of the forest” suggests a perception that is based on the view of the forest industry, not on that of the Atikamekw. Throughout this thesis, I will generally use the term “forestland”. This term covers both the “forest” of trees of particular interest to the companies as well as the territory of the Atikamekw. In this context, forestlands of the St-Maurice river valley may actually be described using two different terms; the Haute-Mauricie of the forest industry, and Nitaskinan of the Atikamekw.
As a doctoral student, I came to this study with an Australian Bachelors degree in forest science and ten years of practical field experience in forest management, including five years working with the indigenous inhabitants of Vanuatu in the south-west Pacific ocean. My forestry training and experience initiated me to the forestry paradigm of Australian foresters, while work in Vanuatu showed me that other peoples had different ways of understanding and occupying forestlands. Upon commencement at Université Laval, I undertook courses in forestry[1] to increase my knowledge of the Québec forestry sector and the importance of social and cultural issues in forestry, and in sociology[2] to learn how to organise sociological research. I also sought a co-director in Anthropology, who provided me with directed readings to give me a basic understanding of anthropology and of the Atikamekw. The research approach that I have used was developed following counsel and suggestions from professors and from fellow students in sociology. Nevertheless, I remain a forester who has sought to obtain the competences necessary to investigate a forestry situation using concepts, tools and techniques adapted from the social sciences.
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Chapter 1 First Nations and forest management in Canada |